[Metnin Türkçe çevirisi aşağıdadır.]
Demonstrations took place around the world on Saturday, October 12, and in Toronto on October 13, to protest the invasion of northern Syria by Turkey, its bombing and its brutal ground assault on the Kurdish people.
Speech to the rally convened by the Greater Toronto Kurdish House, October 13, across from the U.S. Consulate on University Avenue in Toronto
Sisters and brothers, comrades and friends, Biji Rojava! Biji Rojava! (Long live Rojava!)
My name is Barry Weisleder, federal secretary of Socialist Action. Thank you for the opportunity to join you in demanding: Turkey Out of Syria! Hands Off Rojava! Self-Determination for the Kurdish People!
When Donald Trump gave Recep Erdogan the green light to bomb and invade Rojava it was another in a long series of betrayals of the Kurdish people by imperialism. The super-rich Masters of the Universe believe that they have the right to manipulate, even to destroy anyone who stands in their path to profit from the plunder of the world’s resources.
To this, workers around the world say NO! No to ethnic cleansing. No to demographic engineering. No to murder and mayhem in norther Syria, where close to one million Kurds live.
Continue reading Speech to the rally convened by the Greater Toronto Kurdish House, October 13
On 10 October, 97 peace activists were killed and over 400 were wounded in twin explosions near the Ankara central train station as tens of thousands gathered for the “Labour, Peace and Democracy Rally”. Several labour unions and mass organizations convened the event to urge an end to the violence between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).
Continue reading Twin Blasts Kill Activists in Turkey
by Y. Fikret Kayali
The Renault autoworkers in Bursa, Turkey, halted production on May 15. Tofaş workers, who produce Fiat cars, stopped working the following day. The wildcat strikes spread to six other factories in the metal sector in Bursa.
Several other factory workers in Bursa, Kocaeli, Ankara, and Sakarya either went on strike or protested against their employers. More than 20,000 workers have taken strike action, and the Renault workers are still not back to work as this paper goes to press.
Continue reading Turkish Metalworkers Strike
The Istanbul Prosecutor’s Office initiated a “corruption and bribery operation” on December 17. About one week later, the Ministers of Economics, the Interior, and Urban Development all resigned after their sons were arrested. Events accelerated at a dizzying pace. Prime Minister Erdogan fired seven other ministers. The chief prosecutor was taken off the case. Hundreds of police officers were removed from their posts. Although Erdogan claims that the scandal was a foreign plot, and blames the “interests-rate lobby” for trying to harm Turkey, many see the unfolding drama as a civil war between his AKP (Justice and Development Party) and the Gulenists.
The Gulen Movement is a global Islamist network led by Fethullah Gulen, a Muslim cleric who lives inself-imposed exile in Pennsylvania, USA. The Gulenists were among the strongest political groups that had supported the AKP since it came to power in 2002. They joined forces with the AKP to prosecute secularist generals, and hundreds of other alleged coup plotters since 2007. Not only the top military officials, but also many innocent journalists and politicians were arrested on the basis of “fabricated evidence, secret witnesses and flights of investigative fancy”–thanks to the Gulenists’ infiltration of the judiciary and police. Such undemocratic underpinnings sustained the corrupt neo-liberal economy. This meant unprecedented profits for domestic and foreign financial capitalists and their conglomerates on the one hand, dispossession and pauperization for workers and peasants on the other.
As previously reported, numerous protests spread across Turkey after the Turkish police brutally attacked protesters in Taksim Gezi Park in summer of 2013. The popular upheaval against the authoritarian government and its neo-liberal policies had a working class character. Nevertheless, the revolt lacked political leadership and a clear political perspective. Revolutionary spirit was on the wane, but anger generated by the corruption scandal has revived it. Tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets on December 29. Although the number of protestors were less than in the summer, the masses proved to be as committed and determined as before.
The conflict within the ruling bloc continues as we go to press. Political instability is only one of the fears of the Turkish capitalists. The Turkish economy is heading into a crisis. Turkey’s gargantuan current account deficit worsens against the backdrop of US Federal Reserve’s decision to end its loose monetary policy–thanks to which the Turkish economy recovered from the severe hit it took from the global recession in2008 and 2009. Moreover, Turkey’s aggressive foreign policy failed in the Middle East where the popularity of its government and capitalists has crumbled. This further limits Turkish capitalism’s room for maneuver because it had high hopes for economic activism in Middle Eastern markets. In short, the exploiters are not able to “live and rule in the old way” anymore. And popular demands for change resonate to the core of the Turkish economy.
The CHP (Republican People’s Party), the main opposition, has now replaced its Kemalist-secularist rhetoric with a social democratic phraseology in order to absorb democratic demands. It seeks the support of pro-imperialist and pro-Zionist Gulenists to replace the AKP, and it strengthens its ties with the big business.
The Kurdish movement missed yet another great opportunity. Its leaders’ lukewarm opposition to the corruption scandals shows that it doesn’t want to risk the so-called “peace process” that it initiated with the AKP elites behind close doors. Its reluctance to join forces with Gulenists and CHP against the AKP is understandable, since these two political forces have always been obstacles to any democratic solution to the Kurdish question. The Kurdish people do not need another tragedy to see that their national struggle has nothing to gain from capitalists and their political parties.
The Left is still fragmented and lacks the ability to organize public dissent, although its ideas are enjoying a revival.
Intense warfare within Turkey’s ruling bloc is a sign of escalating conflicts between the capitalist class fractions as the Turkish economy hurtles towards a crisis. It also shows that imperialists are not sure whether they should bet on Erdogan or Gulenists. Imperialists employ zigzagging political tactics while their room for maneuver is narrowing in the context of the escalating crisis of imperialism in the Middle East. Needed is American and Canadian workers’ solidarity with their brothers and sisters in Turkey. Our slogan should be “Imperialist Hands off Middle East!”
The key task is building an independent working class party in Turkey. The cracks in the ruling capitalist bloc can be utilized by the working class and its allies, such as the Kurdish movement, only if an independent course of working class action is pursued. The political situation in Turkey demonstrates a crisis of political leadership. Although the masses withdraw their support from the existing bourgeois political parties, in the absence of a realistic revolutionary alternative, new pro-capitalist pseudo alternatives flourish to channel the people’s anger against the corrupt system that is based on private ownership of the means of production. Socialist Action is forging ties with revolutionary parties in Turkey, and elsewhere, which aim to overthrow the rotten capitalist disorder. — By Y. Fikret Kayali