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RCMP Ambush Indigenous Land Defenders

by Gary Porter

The Canadian state brutally violated the Rights of Unist’ot’en and Gidimt’en clans of the Wet’suwet’en Nation, in the interests of the Oil and Gas Barons. Demonstrations immediately occurred in over 30 cities as thousands of Canadians showed they are fed up with Official Racism.

The RCMP moved to enforce a B.C. Supreme Court injunction to allow pipeline workers to pass through two Wet’suwet’en checkpoints on January 9. A heavily armed SWAT team attacked peaceful indigenous protesters and violently arrested 14 land defenders. Over the next two days, virtually spontaneous demonstrations occurred in dozens of towns and cities in reaction to repeated state violence against indigenous people and against the pollution that emanates from the global corporate profit machine. Mass media was excluded by the cops from the site of the attack, but photos taken by indigenous bystanders show protesters being cruelly attacked by multiple police, pushing their faces into the snow.

The permanent Unist’ot’en camp, and the more recently established Gidimt’en checkpoint, are part of an ongoing effort by Wet’suwet’en hereditary leaders and members to protect unceded lands from pipeline construction. “The proposed pipelines are a threat to the watershed, as well as to the plants, animals and communities that depend on them,” the Unist’ot’en Camp states on its website.

While more than one proposed pipeline would cross through Wet’suwet’en traditional territory, Trans Canada’s Coastal GasLink project is at the centre of the current injunction dispute.

The proposed Coastal GasLink pipeline would span 670 kilometres across northern British Columbia. It is intended to supply natural gas from near Dawson Creek, B.C. to the planned LNG Canada export facility near Kitimat, B.C., where it would be converted to liquefied natural gas for export. Construction is estimated to cost about $4.8 billion.

According to LNG Canada, Coastal GasLink would be the only pipeline to supply its facility in Kitimat, B.C. on the Pacific coast. A company spokesperson called it an “essential component of the LNG Canada project.” This $40 billion project to be built by a global consortium will subject the entire area to heavy gas fracking operations. Preliminary fracking was recently halted in the wake of earthquakes. Moreover, the project makes it impossible for B.C. to meet its carbon reduction goals.

Jody Wilson-Raybould, recently demoted by Prime Minister Trudeau from Justice Minister to Veterans’ Affairs Minister, issued a 1,100 word tract on her demotion. Citing the PM’s own words, that the relationship between Canada and Indigenous people is the “most important” one, she reminds all that “the work that must be done is well known,” and “legislative and policy changes based on the recognition of title and rights, including historic treaties, are urgently needed.” Toward the end of her letter she pledges to “continue to be directly engaged” in advancing “fundamental shifts.”

Wilson-Raybould is a woman of Kwakwaka’wakw heritage who was previously the Regional Chief of the BC Assembly of First Nations. And her words were being written the week after a heavily-armed RCMP contingent used force to remove Wet’suwet’en activists from a ‘checkpoint’ on the road to a work camp for gas-line workers. The line crosses lands where, courts have ruled, hereditary chiefs hold historic and traditional title. Those chiefs, it seems, were not part of the ‘consultation and accommodations’ promised for the project.

The elected band council is a creation of the colonial settler federal government-imposed Indian Act of 1876 which treated indigenous people as wards of the state, essentially as children. In an attempt to destroy the traditional basis of indigenous government, the Act created elected Band Councils which, the government assumed, could be more easily swayed than traditional hereditary chiefs. Turns out that was true in this case. The band council came to terms with the Trans Canada Pipeline. But the hereditary Chiefs were not included and do oppose the pipeline. The clans for the most part are following the hereditary chiefs.

The big question remains: By what right is Trans Canada Pipeline able to get a court injunction to allow their workers onto un-ceded indigenous land in the first place? By what conceivable logic can the RCMP, claiming to be “neutral” and merely “enforcing the law”, send heavily armed SWAT team members onto Indigenous land and brutally attack a peaceful road blockade, arresting 14 native land defenders in the process. The cops are far from neutral. They are imposing the will of settler capitalism on the indigenous people. They are enforcing the laws of the white man to seize indigenous land and using it to generate white profits.

The settler government has consistently violated indigenous sovereignty and the right to self determination in the interests of white capitalist profit and racist social policy. The Canadian federal government, for decades, organized the forced removal of indigenous children to brutal Residential Schools. In those schools, many were physically, sexually and psychologically abused, over-worked, under-fed and punished for speaking their own language. Many children died.

In 2010, Ottawa endorsed the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The latest Trudeau/RCMP action violates the declaration dramatically. The racist policy and practice has to cease. Trans Canada Pipeline should get off indigenous land. Protesters should be released and RCMP excluded from indigenous land. No to the pipeline. No to the LNG Canada fracking operation. Self-determination for indigenous people.

Photo: Elizabeth Wang / The Ubyssey

Cuba-Canada relations: A look at diplomacy from below

A review by Barry Weisleder of Other Diplomacies, Other Ties: Cuba and Canada in the Shadow of the U.S., Luis Rene Fernandez Tabio, Cynthia Wright, and Lana Wylie, ed., 363 pages, University of Toronto Press, 2018.

In the wake of Ottawa’s vocal support for the latest U.S.-backed attempt at a coup d’état in Venezuela, studies on foreign relations take on a profound sense of urgency.

Setting aside the cumbersome title, this book’s 12 chapters, produced by historians based both in Canada and Cuba, cover the subject of relations with Cuba thoroughly, even with some duplication. Convenient summaries conclude every segment.

For me, the chapter on Cuba’s pavilion at Expo 67 in Montreal was particularly riveting. I remember visiting that World’s Fair, titled “Man and His World – Terre des Hommes”, and that unique pavilion. I and dozens of my fellow junior high school students were chaperoned from Toronto by our teachers. I recall the building’s futuristic cube structure, the huge, austere black and white photos, and the evocative, radical slogans on the walls: a combination that blew my then-apolitical mind.

The book puts in context a moment of world social upheaval, shaped by the revolutions in Cuba and Algeria; the example of Che Guevara, soon to be assassinated; and the multiple revolts of 1968, from France to Italy to Prague to the Tet Offensive in Vietnam.

“Other Diplomacies” reminds us that defending a revolution is harder than making one. Exploiting the contradictions, however relative and small, between the imperialist powers is a high priority. Its examination of Conservative Prime Minister John Diefenbaker’s differences with Washington over Cuba, not to mention whether to accept nuclear weapons on Canada’s territory, shows an autonomy that arises from a different relationship of class forces.

The fact that Canada and Mexico did not break diplomatic relations with revolutionary Cuba, unlike all the other countries of the western hemisphere in the 1960s, provided an important lifeline to the first workers’ republic west of Europe. The impact endures. Canada remains Cuba’s fourth biggest partner in trade. 1.3 million Canadian tourists visit Cuba every year. Sherritt International, the Canadian-based nickel extractor, is still the largest corporate investor in the island.

These and other features of the relationship are at least partly a product of a relatively more class-independent workers’ movement in the Canadian state, including Quebec, and the efforts of at least three generations of socialists and Cuba solidarity activists north of the U.S. border.  The Fair Play for Cuba Committees, on both sides of the divide, well deserve the recognition afforded by the book.

Diplomats as spies, and mass media scribes as shameless propagandists for a corporate agenda, continue to ply their trades. Educational and cultural exchanges continue to make inroads against anti-communist bias. Cuba is embraced by a world that has received its generous gifts of top-notch medical care and disaster relief aid. Washington remains powerful, but more politically isolated than ever, its economy in decline, its military apparatus strained by chronic overreach.

Following the 60th anniversary of the overthrow of the made-in-USA Fulgencio Batista dictatorship, Cuba’s leadership and people are wrestling with choices, the need to strike a balance of economic development, social equality and Poder Popular (people’s power), yearning for, anticipating, the next revolutions that will quicken the pace to world socialist transformation.

Not by conventional diplomacy, such transformations will certainly be informed by the “Other Diplomacies” that animate working class solidarity.

A version of this article originally appeared at https://johnriddell.wordpress.com